Into The Amazonian Badlands - Remote Amazon
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Into The Amazonian Badlands
Remote Amazon
by El Vagabundo
February 2005

Outlaw territory is where we were headed. After the 84th km the National Police and Marine patrols became more frequent and visible. The land begins to roll into the foothills of the Cordillera Azul that will itself rise into the Andes 300 km to the West. It was the week before Christmas and six years after the first time I had set eyes on this land. I fell in love with this hill country back then even though, unbeknownst to me, the place was off limits to US government personnel. The notable exceptions being the usual CIA operatives and Special Forces “advisors”. However, I was and am a civilian contractor and therefore not subject to the same restrictions as visiting royalty. Peasants are expendable.

I love it still, the sense of newness and adventure as fresh as six years ago.

At one time in the past, this part of the country was under the control of the Sendero Luminoso, idealistic, cold-blooded Maoist rebels. Zona Roja. Indian Country, a term used by the grunts of another war in another land to describe hostile territory. An apt expression in that the area in question greatly resembles the Central Highlands of Vietnam.

Then came the US “advisors” followed by US trained Peruvian Marines in US supplied Hueys. When the dust settled, and the blood dried, voila: Zona Blanca. As their ideals gave way to hunger and desperation, the once feared and now greatly diminished revolutionaries regrouped and turned to rape, robbery, and “narco-terrorism”. Zona Roja again. Thus the police and military presence.

We had crossed the border at Iquitos, Peru and then traveled 5 days by riverboat up the Rio Ucayali to Pucallpa in the lowlands, then by bus to Aguaytia in the central cordillera of Padre Abad Province.

The alleged purpose of the trip was to visit some friends of days gone by. For me it was the trip itself.

The bus stations in this part of the world are remarkably unlike those of the US in that they are clean, comfortable and lack the addicts, drunks and panhandlers common to Greyhound’s ghettos. Bus travel is pleasant if lengthy (6 hours to travel 165 km) the buses have ample room and reclining seats that work.

Unfortunately, accidents are commonplace as regulations, in that they exist at all, aren’t enforced. Overcrowding, overloading of cargo and drivers lacking sleep are common. It’s advisable to catch a bus early in the morning, at a terminal at either end of the line, if possible.

Astride the 84th km is the hamlet known as Von Humboldt.

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Legend has it that the name came from a Dutch wildcatter who met an untimely end at the hands of the revolutionaries, who regarded all whites as the enemy. With the exception of Abimael Guzman, their founder and spiritual leader, Peruvian college professor of German ancestry. Makes as little sense as anything else in time of war.

Its here begins the demarcation into the outlaw’s stronghold. A Marine Base, once staffed with at least two Companies of La Marina de Battalla de Guerra, is now a sleepy outpost staffed with two platoons that take turns patrolling this stretch of National Highway. The serious military presence is 30 km ahead in San Alejandro. In between is the territory of the PNP (Policia Nacional de Peru).

Not only bandito-land, from here to the lower slopes of the Andes grow the coca and poppies that, even though downplayed by the media, help fuel the region’s economy.

After a short rest stop here, having purchased cheese and cebada from the roadside vendors, we’re off in a cloud of dust. On to San Alejandro, a town that wears many hats.

San Alejandro is a garrison town, a truck stop and a major agricultural shipping port on the aptly named Rio San Alejandro.

There are more vulcanizadoras (tire repair shops) per capita here than anywhere else I have been, and rumor has it that at night the inhabitants scatter nails on the road at both ends of town.

Rumors withstanding, every tire shop in town is doing a booming business when we come through, we end up in one ourselves due to a flat on the rear inside dual on the driver’s side. After lunch and a leg stretch around town we’re back on the road. A short stop about a mile out of town, to pick up a butchered pork carcass and its on to Aguaytia at km 165.

The road climbs more steeply and the air begins to cool. Cloud forests are sometimes visible on distant hilltops.

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The jungle closes in, flowers of a thousand different varieties and colors grow unmolested on road and hillside. The road winds upward, then levels as the forest opens up to a vista of pasture and terraced rice paddies. In six years I haven’t lost the sense. Another world, another time.

The Presidency of Alan Garcia (1985-1990) was notable for several things. One was runaway inflation that at one point reached 7600% per annum. It was a common joke that in Lima it took a wheelbarrow full of Soles to buy a loaf of bread and that the baker would throw away the money and keep the wheelbarrow.

Another notable event that occurred under Mr. Garcia’s watch was the rise of the Sendero Luminoso (Shining Path) guerrilla movement. Their funding for weaponry came from their alliance with the Peruvian/Colombian Coca Cartels, who did a bang up business in the Eastern hill towns of Peru. They’re still around to this day, in greatly reduced numbers, providing security services for the Peruvian/Colombian Opium Cartels, amongst other things. Opium poppies have become a cash crop in this area due to the return in favor of heroin in the US. Our war in Afghanistan cut off the supply from that part of the world and the ever-enterprising Coca Lords stepped in to fill the gap.

Huipoca, Aguaytia, Tingo Maria, Huanuco and dozens of other hill towns that most of the world has never heard of, prospered mightily during this time. The National Police and Army were bought and paid for with US Dollars, National Bankers flew in daily to exchange plane loads of soles for dollars and the Colombians paved the highway that interconnected these towns, not out of any misguided sense of civic responsibility, but in order to land their Cessnas to facilitate fast loading and shipment of coca paste.

Those were heady times reminiscent of the American Wild West or the Speakeasy Days of Prohibition. But it all came with a price. The sun rose daily over the dead in the Plazas, casualties in the Cartel’s private wars. The terrorists, knowing no bounds, inflicted heavy casualties on the civilian population in order to “liberate” them. The end had to come. And it did with the election of Alberto Fujimori (1990-2000). He ruled with an iron fist and the common people loved him. They still do to this day. He showed no mercy to terrorists, coca cartels, or corrupt military and police officials. He gave the Peruvian Marines carte blanche from the Brazilian and Colombian borders to the crest of the foothills, an area roughly the size of New Jersey, relegating the Army to little more than garrison duties. Known Colombian drug dealers were shot on sight and buried in the jungle without ceremony. Terrorists were hunted into near-extinction and corrupt military and police officials tried by secret Military Tribunals then disappeared into the bowels of a prison system that knows neither favor nor mercy. In 1999-2000, following isolated mop-up operations by the Marines, the area was declared Zona Blanca and the war was officially over.

Then came Fujimori’s fall from grace aided and abetted by the press and by his own shadowy Chief of Internal Security, one Vladimiro Montesinos. Scandals and accusations followed one after the other and Fujimori fled to his native Japan, where he remains to this day, openly plotting his return to Peruvian politics. Montesinos, after a brief hiatus in hiding in the slums of Caracas, Venezuela is now incarcerated in the Naval prison in the port of Callao where he awaits trial and sentencing on a myriad of charges. He faces several dozen consecutive life sentences. There is a dual irony here: he designed the prison, and one of his fellow inmates is the nefarious Abimael Guzman, as mentioned before the head of Sendero Luminoso. Not to be left unsaid, Mr. Montesinos helped engineer the capture of the old phony Guzman.

After an interim government and heated election in 2001, Alejandro Toledo, Andean aborigine, former shoeshine boy, and Stanford educated economist was elected President. Close second was his rival Alan Garcia. It appears that North Americans aren’t the only ones with short memories. Due to his penchant for discourse as opposed to heavy-handed action, crime is on the rise in the countryside. Civil trials are proffered over secret military tribunals or summary executions by the roadside, which is, perhaps, as it should be, but hardened veterans of guerilla and/or drug wars are all too willing and able to take advantage of the new civility. Case in point: recently an armed robber, on trial for his crimes, attacked a judge with a chair in open court. When sentenced to twenty years for his crime and misbehavior, he simply laughed, knowing he’d be released within six months. Perhaps, when dealing with savagery, civility isn’t the appropriate response, something men like Fujimori instinctively know, a lesson we could well relearn and reapply in the US. At any rate the government has declared the cordillera Zona Roja once again.

The following are the previous articles that Vagabundo wrote for the magazine:

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