Thoughts
On Investing In The Ukraine
Isolating The Variables
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By Jason Jones
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What
Ukraine has (and has not) done to Attract Investment: an Overview of Post-Soviet
Business/Political Developments
Ukraine’s track
record in attracting foreign capital has not been impressive. In absolute
terms, the country has attracted only 4.9 billion USD since independence.
Foreign direct investment (FDI) per capita stands at only 78 USD (Graph
1), which is ten times less than its Eastern European neighbor Poland and
almost thirty times less than the Czech Republic. For Ukraine to attract
foreign direct investment, it will need to provide a more predictable investment
climate. Most notably they will need to improve corporate and public governance,
provide a stable and predictable legal environment, liberalize and deregulate
business activities, and eliminate corruption through greater transparency.
Corporate
Governance
The World Bank’s
definition of corporate governance refers to that blend of law, regulation
and appropriate private sector voluntary practices which enable the corporation
to attract financial and human capital. This includes greater integrity,
transparency, and independence and competence with in the judiciary, where
shareholder interests come first. The Citizens Network for Foreign Affairs
Inc. (CNFA) - a non-profit, nonpartisan organization dedicated to stimulating
international economic growth in emerging markets - listed the lack of
good corporate governance as the primary cause of more than 50% of joint
venture failures in Ukraine.
Natalie Jaresko,
President and CEO of Western NIS Enterprise Fund - a venture capital organization
specializing in medium sized enterprises in Ukraine, describes corporate
governance in Ukraine as an evolutionary process. She said that five years
ago “there was little understanding of the need to improve or enforce cooperate
governance. Today, the concept of corporate governance has been introduced
and is being discussed by the business community.” She then adds that the
practice of corporate governance in recent years will act as a catalyst
for a more transparent and diversified corporate culture. “Ukraine has
now had several years of experience with sound corporate governance and
now has something very tangible that businesspeople can look at and determine
whether they have the type of corporate governance that they would like.
Instead of having something that is very philosophical, it now becomes
real.”
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Ms. Jaresko
points out that “companies that are coming to us have not only adequately
accepted the system but have started to implement this on their own.”
This is the final step in the evolutionary process: to build a culture
that respects corporate governance. She stresses “that this is done by
incorporating corporate governance concepts in almost a voluntary fashion.
For example, the Russian Institute of Directors has a voluntary code of
ethics of governance.” Though it has been slow in the coming, Ms. Jaresko
sees a code of ethics developing within the Ukrainian business community.
“I have insight that high-level, visible business people have interests
in developing transparency in corporate governance. That is something you
do not have to propagate by law, rather it is developing the culture by
making people aware, knowledgeable, and offering them tools. And it has
to be at a high enough level that it is respected.”
The adoption
of sound corporate governance would create rights for minority shareholders.
A step in the right direction is the recent adoption of the Joint Stock
Fund, which is an attempt to attract portfolio investments (less than a
10% share in company stock). This law contains the basic structure to protect
the rights of minority shareholder by ensuring shareholder participation,
and delineating between management, board of directors, and shareholders.
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Taras
Shevchenko University.
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Stable
and Predictable Legal Environment
“When a large
private corporation thinks about investing in a country, the first question
they ask is: ‘if I enter into agreement and a dispute arises, can I expect
fair treatment in the unfortunate event that we have to go to litigation?’”
says Acting Director of the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development
(EBRD) William Franks. According to Ms. Jaersko the answer is no, as she
explains that “we have one high profile case where we think that the judicial
system did not operate in a free and independent fashion.”
However, there
is a relatively quick and easy three step remedy to create an independent
rule of law that could be implemented by the President of Ukraine without
parliamentary approval. First, Ukraine must increase judges’ salaries so
that corruption doesn’t become an issue. Clearly, there is scope for corruption
when a poorly paid judge presides over a multimillion dollar case. Second,
judges that are found to be corrupt need to be removed. Third, Ukraine
needs to develop a system where case-level judges and attorneys outside
of Kyiv have access to changes in the law.
Privatization
of Utilities
The privatization
of six power distribution companies (oblenergos) in 2001 generated enormous
controversies as they were acquired via unpublicized auctions for a fraction
of their market value. Most likely only a handful of oblenergos will be
privatized in 2003, and even those are in doubt. Until the debt situations
are resolved (which in some cases run into several hundred million dollars),
few investors will want to buy them, and certainly not at the prices that
the government is seeking. The approval of the Privatization Program for
2003-2008 would help create more systematic and transparent future sales
of these utilities. Privatization will continue but at a weak pace. |
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Small and
Medium Sized Enterprise (SME)
The role of
the local entrepreneur must be promoted to diversify Ukraine’s investment
climate, to increase competition, and to create a more positive feedback
for investments. SMEs are normally labor-intensive and therefore create
purchasing power in the population through job creation. The development
of a wealthier middle class will be an important element in attracting
larger amounts of investments. Michael Bleyzer of SigmaBleyzer, a leading
investment bank, said that “SMEs have played a key role in the development
of other transition economies such as Hungary and Poland. Accordingly,
the future growth of the Ukrainian economy will depend on a major expansion
of SMEs over the next few years. This is taking place, but at a low
pace.”
According to
Ms. Jaresko, the lack of SME’s in Ukraine “is due to is a combination of
factors: it’s the regulation; it’s the corruption; and there is the cultural
issue from making entrepreneurial activity illegal and criminal in the
Soviet period to being something to be proud of and necessary.”
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European Bank for Reconstruction and Development (EBRD) is the largest
and most diversified investor in Ukraine with a cumulative investment in
the country of 1.4 billion USD through 57 projects since independence.
Its SME Lending Program has provided over a 184 loans worth around 156
million USD. EBRD is also a co-founder of Ukraine Microfinance Bank, which
since January of 2001 has approved 9,281 loans worth 54.2 million USD.
Frank Williams, Acting Director of EBRD in Ukraine, said “I think our SME
and Microfinance Programs are two of the most successful projects in the
financial sector. We have now made three SME transactions the first two
were sovereign guarantees. Our Microfinance Project with the Microfinance
Bank is making loans of fifty or thirty thousand dollars or even smaller,
some one, two or three thousand dollars. This has been very successful
in bringing finance to companies that find it very difficult to achieve
finances otherwise.”
Poland:
Lessons Learned
Clearly the
pace of economic reforms in Poland over the last ten years is the most
decisive factor explaining the disparity of the amounts of FDI between
Poland and Ukraine. Michael Bleyzer states that “Starting in 1991, Poland
undertook a comprehensive number of measures to stabilize and liberalize
its economy, improve its legal environment and improve corporate governance.
The results were felt quickly. By 1992, Poland started to experience
positives rates of GDP growth and began to receive increasing amounts of
foreign direct investments. In Ukraine, very few economic reforms were
made during the first few years after independence, which led to economic
stagnation for many years. Currently, the implementation of comprehensive
measures to improve the business environment is still in the initial phases
of implementation.” |
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Dmitro Tarabakin,
Director of Dragon Capital, has experience working the financial markets
in both countries. He agrees that “Poland’s successful economic growth
is based on stable economic policy and a high GDP growth.” He adds that
“Poland also made a bet on small businesses. They made very straight forward
and streamline procedures for registering and running SMEs.” This is evident
in the growth rates of capital of Polish companies, where only 7% of companies
had over 500,000 USD of capital in 1993, but with the inflow of FDI to
the country, that percentage has now reached 40.8. Mr. Tarabakin contrasts
this to the reality of SME’s in Ukraine: “Unfortunately medium sized corporations
were given a quite hard time here. They don’t have access to political
lobbying. The bureaucracy of registering and running business and taxation
was not transparent enough for people to easily come in register and do
it. So the people willing to invest money were looking at Ukraine verses
Poland, and in Poland the policies were much more transparent. Even though
investors knew Poland was a bit more expensive, the political risks of
investments were much lower than those in Ukraine.”
Politics
The 2004 presidential
elections are expected to take a lot of resources out of the country. The
high level of risk due to the presidential elections in 1999 was directly
related to the drastic drop in FDI. In 1998, foreign direct investors contributed
757 million USD, that number fell to 437 million USD in 1999 (graph 2).
Dmitro Tarabakin believes that the uncertainty of the elections “puts constraints
on investment plans, especially for bigger scale businesses who are putting
things on hold until they know the candidates. This may slowdown investment.”
A huge hindrance
to attracting investment is the over estimation of a negative political
climate, which deterred investments that may have come but never did. Ukraine
has had eleven years of independence and ten prime ministers; therefore
a smooth transition of government is necessary to sustain investment levels.
Mr. Tarabakin claims that “Ukraine needs to be the China of Europe, and
this is something that has to be sold to the West. It is a lack of political
leadership and local businesspeople have not grown to the idea of letting
the market expand and having a smaller chunk of it and still be able to
make more money.”
Conclusion
Ukraine’s investment
potential still remains largely untapped. The improvements in corporate
governance, reform of the regulation and law, and GDP growth in recent
years has led investors to believe that the country has gotten over the
post-Soviet hump and is on its way to greater reforms and prosperity. However,
optimism should be guarded as complacency at this stage of reform could
throw the country back to its chaotic mid-90s growing pains. We can
see that the large multinationals are here to stay, but the question remains:
Will further reforms entice would-be investors, which are comprised of
small stakeholders and SMEs, to enter a market that is today nontransparent
and unknown?
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