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Taxing the World
From Doug
Casey's "What We Now Know"
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May 2006
| Longtime
readers will know where we stand on the subject of taxes. They are theft,
just like anything else that coerces you out of your hard-earned money
at the point of a gun. True, it is part of the social compact that we put
up with a certain amount of taxation in order to pay for government services
that we want. But—without getting into any discussion of the “necessity”
of most government services, not to mention pure pork barrel spending—this
does not in any way change the nature of the transaction. It’s still theft.
Regardless of your personal feelings
about taxation, though, you’re probably already feeling taxed to death.
Income taxes, sales taxes, real estate taxes, car taxes, fuel taxes, sin
taxes, phone surcharges, on and on. So how would you like to add another
layer? Soon, you may be paying taxes to your town, your county, your state,
your nation and… the world.
That’s right. If the United Nations
Development Programme (UNDP) gets its way, a global tax may be on us before
we know it.
This past January, at the World Economic
Forum in Davos, Switzerland, the UNDP used the meeting as a launching pad
for a new book called The New Public Finance: Responding to Global Challenges.
In fact, there’s nothing new here
at all. Its premise is the same old endlessly recycled idea of redistributing
wealth from the developed nations to the underdeveloped ones, in an attempt
to lift the latter into the mainstream world economy. If we take a look
at Africa, for example, it’s easy to see how well this approach has worked…
namely not at all. So, true to the principle “If you don’t succeed the
first time, keep doing more of the same,” for decades the world-improvers
haven’t ceased to throw good money after bad.
Now, we are as willing as anyone
to let all the world’s nations have their shot at prosperity. But throwing
money at the problem of poverty has proven to be a dismal failure. All
that usually happens is that the financial assistance winds up in the pocket
of some kleptocrat.
As we’ve pointed out in previous
issues of this newsletter, Peruvian economist Hernando de Soto has compiled
some powerful data in support of the argument that national economic success
is founded upon very simple principles. Namely, a legal system that recognizes
the property rights of private citizens and that protects those rights
from infringement by others.
The world’s poor, de Soto writes,
have trillions of dollars in assets that they can’t use to better their
lives because they can’t get clear title to them. Give them rights to their
property and you’ll unleash their creative potential. Deny those rights
and you ensure a grinding, never-ending cycle of poverty.
Throw all the spare money in the
world at underdevelopment, without requiring fundamental legal and economic
change, and you’ll accomplish nothing. But the UNDP seems blithely unaware
of this.
The game is given away right in the
overview section of The New Public Finance, when it states: “The equity
or distribution branch of public finance, seen to support society in realizing
its goals of fairness and justice, may sometimes have to achieve its objectives
through income redistribution and transfer payments.”
That is to say, if a country makes
an utter hash of its economy and a small clique enslaves the rest of the
people, then we need to give them some money to fix things.
It’s a global village, see. You already
knew that. But you probably thought of it, quite naturally, in terms of
trade and communications and the like. The UNDP carries the notion further,
however. It consigns to the dustbin of history the quaint notion of sovereign
countries “reflecting the choices on desired state action by national constituents,”
and claims that the new paradigm is some hybrid called the “intermediate
state . . . reflecting the choices on desired state action by international
constituents.”
Translation: We can no longer make
decisions based on our own self-interest, but must take into account the
larger community of nations (even, the implication is, when such decisions
work against us).
But this is what we should expect
from an organization which, in its 2005 Human Development Report, stated
that “Aid policies should reflect a commitment to reduce inequalities in
human capabilities and income.” Oh? We are of course a bit puzzled as to
how one would homogenize disparate human capabilities; however, as to reducing
income inequalities, the UNDP has plenty of ideas.
For example, developed nations should
pay a tax based on their energy consumption, and the proceeds should go
to nations that use less (after the UN takes a cut for itself, naturally).
Or perhaps you’d prefer a tax on international airline tickets, another
possible revenue generator. Or how about an Internet tax?
The latter was floated by the UNDP
before, back in 1999, when it figured it could raise $70 billion a year
(probably twice that now) by levying a charge for using the World Wide
Net. The proposal failed in ’99, but sneaked back onto the agenda this
year in the form of an international corporate tax. Tech companies that
do Internet business in a participating country would have to pay a surcharge
for the right.
Also resurrected was the so-called
“Tobin Tax,” named for the Nobel Laureate Yale economist who thought it
up in 1978. It was originally proposed as a painless and essentially transparent
tax that would be levied only on international currency transactions. Since
the world currency market does close to $2 trillion in business each day,
a tax of between a tenth and a quarter of a percent would yield some big
bucks indeed. (A Tobin Tax resolution was introduced into Congress in 2000
but has yet to pass; the European Parliament rejected the idea in the same
year.)
Okay, most people don’t speculate
in currencies, so why isn’t this a good idea? For one man’s answer, we
turn to old friend Congressman Ron Paul, a/k/a the only voice in Washington
worth listening to. To Paul, it’s a matter of precedent.
He calls it dangerous precisely because
few would notice. It would quietly create a “politically acceptable starting
point.” And thus, he says, a “dangerous precedent would be set . . . the
idea that the UN possesses legitimate taxing authority to fund its operations.”
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Article Continued Below -
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- Article Continued From
Above -
That’s the crux of the matter. Do
we or do we not want to cede powers of taxation to the United Nations that
override national considerations? Or to put it another way, do we want
to acquiesce in the transfer of $7 trillion (the UNDP’s target figure)
to other countries who can use (or likely, misuse) the money as they see
fit?
Congressman Paul, for one, says no,
and is acting on that belief. He has “introduced H.R. 1017 in the current
Congress which would permanently prohibit United States contributions to
the United Nations if that organization develops, implements, or publicizes
any proposal to tax Americans.”
We’ll have to see if his colleagues
agree.
Low-income Americans and the elderly
get fewer and fewer benefits while bureaucratic world improvers are deliberately
distributing our tax money among foreign dictators and other scoundrels.
Go figure.
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This
article originally appeared in the April 04, 2006 edition of the bi-weekly
e-letter, What We Now Know (WWNK) -- published by, and used here with permission
from Casey Research, LLC. Click
here to sign up for a FREE subscription to WWNK, or check out past
editions in the WWNK archives at www.caseyresearch.com |
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